Recently another of my expert economist friend appeared to be of the view that available economic principles have so far not been able to provide any guidance on the type of cases like the acquisition of land from unwilling farmers in Singur. It was a great shock to me that I am fast forgetting what economics is all about. I had thought that the standard economic principles only suggest that offer and bid prices could be an effective mechanism of convert unwillingness to willingness. At sufficiently high enough price, unwilling sellers would enter the market. If the price was high enough there would have been hardly anyone in Singur unwilling to sell land to the Tatas or the Government.
I inquired if the issue is not merely one of determining that price in the absence of a free, completive market in land as a productive capital asset. And, I thought so far that the opportunity cost was a rough guide: the present value of net cash flows from land as an asset for agricultural activity is estimated easily to provide a guide and the present value of the net cash flows of the alternative land use for the Nano car project would have provide another guide. Yes, Bengali communists may not be adequately educated in quantitative economics and finance to be conversant with present value estimation and its application in a Marx-consistent manner.
Pardon the communists. During the last four years, no Bengal economist has attempted such valuation of Singur land or has explored whether the Nano car project economics could have afforded to compete land away from Singur farmers by offering a land price high enough to make all farmers willing to sell land. The notion that the industry needs to be given land at concessional rate for industry to be set up is a Nehruvian-kind of socialist prejudice that seems to keeps Indian economists away from applying simple, ideology-neutral economic principle: land should be attracted to the highest possible returns activity in the normal course. The politicians would never agree to this because they would want to dictate the allocation of assets among alternative uses based on their preferences and in the case of any communist user of State power, based on a childish, and of course fallacious, notion of democratic principle that if owners of 600 acres are willing to sale, the owners of 400 acres must be forced to sale.
The communists’ government in West Bengal has fallen. And the new Trinamool government seems to be arguing that each owner should have the right to decide whether to sell his land or not. If that is so then each land owner must first be the present value of his earnings stream over time from his asset and then get bidders to offer him attractive enough price to win over his unwillingness to sell at what the State considers as the fair price. But the Trinamool Congress government has not commissioned investigations into these economic issues that would have made it more educated and informed as a party to deal with economic problems of the State. Political parties cannot be expected to know that there is need for knowledge of economics truth and facts to arrive at proper policies.
Maybe economics is not a subject for study for emotionally argumentative Bengali intellectuals and politicians alike.
My friend pointed out to me that one basic problem of applying conventional present value method to find the value of land is that private valuations are heterogeneous and
often greater than market valuations. So, if someone is unwilling to sell land just because his personal valuation is greater than the compensation that is being offered based on the market price of similar land, should we force him?, my friend asked. He also asked, more important was whether should we force him to sell his land because most others have agreed to sell their land? He believed more firmly in the sanctity of private property. He is now convinced that we cannot ethically force anyone to sell his land or any other property for that matter.
I was amazed that both of were in agreement on the ethical issue that we should not force a landowner to sell his land under any circumstances that we both did not agree with the communists’ definition of majority rule of democracy being applicable here (the communists of Bengal seem to be more advanced in knowledge than I can compete with for I had thought there is only a single vote cast for each piece of land and hence the question of majority does not apply as the decision to sell or not is in relation to each piece of land: had all land been commonly owned the question of majority rule could apply).
Yet, I thought that I needed to clarify the economics point. My surmise was that if the present value of cash flows to the land owners from his land would be say X and the present value of the same land, if used by an Industrialist is Y and what the so-called market price used by
Government and political parties in the current distorted market is Z, Z is much less than X and Y is much higher than X. In the absence of the information on X and Y, the farmer is not able to make a real choice. It is quite possible that the industrialist buyer would be willing to offer a price Y1 that is below Y but much higher than X and therefore still much higher than Z. Thus my contention was that by not disseminating information relating to Z and X, we are not allowing the farmers to make an informed choice whether he / she would remain an unwilling seller at al prices, however high. If there exists some Y1 > X but Y1
in between which will benefit both parties. But since X is unknown,
heterogeneous and often subjective, it would be better if we leave the
transaction to the market, that is, let the industrialist buy his own
land. The state's role here would be to ensure that no coercion takes
place.” I was happy that at least one of my friends agreed with me (perhaps because we were both influenced by free, competitive market economics logic).
But then, as always, I would still have something to add. To enhance proper functioning of the market, besides the State, apolitical economists could contribute to enable small farmers to get adequate information on the probable range of values of X and Y so that they can better negotiate. Various Kolkata based economics research institutes could have done some empirical studies in this area for reducing the information asymmetry between buyers and sellers in a free, competitive market for land. And, this is not difficult now for researchers to do such analysis on farm economics and industrial project economics. Banks have lot of information in their appraisal notes on numerous cases of farm and industrial finance. Even 4 decades ago, the journal of Agricultural Refinance/ Finance Corporation had been publishing empirical studies on the economics of agricultural operations by farmers owning and of various sizes in different locations of India. Late Prof. Ashok Rudra also did some work at that time. I wish researchers in applied economics did some empirical work on farm economics to improve our knowledge.
Another of my young economist friend gave me the following information:
1) In Grossman Hart's Bell Journal paper on freeriding, they gave some examples of contracts that are designed to handle situations like this--e.g., an offer would be valid if all sellers agree to sell at a certain price.
2) Govt. routinely takes lands for public works projects. Forming private industries by forcibly acquiring lands is dangerous. Several years back, the U.S. supreme court ruled in a landmark decision that lands can be acquired even for building of private industries. This caused much anguish and gnashing of teeth. One of the supporters of this view was now-retired associate justice David Souter, a mild mannered gentleman from New England. Agitators threatened that they will take Souter's home and build a mall and see how he would feel.
In the dissenting note in a case, the disentinmg judge had observed that the land acquisition by the Government could be supported if there was public necessity of extreme sort, continuing accountability to the public and selection of land according to facts of independent public significance.
On July,2004 the Michigan Supreme Court reversed an earlier decision and ruled that for forceful acquisition of by government, it is not enough to argue that an entity’s profit maximization would contribute to the health of the general economy.
There are so many different ways to look at the same issue!!
Note: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kelo_v._City_of_New_London
Kelo v. City of New London, 545 U.S. 469 (2005) was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States involving the use of eminent domain to transfer land from one private owner to another to further economic development. The case arose from the condemnation by New London, Connecticut, of privately owned real property so that it could be used as part of a comprehensive redevelopment plan which promised 3,169 new jobs and $1.2 million a year in tax revenues. The Court held in a 5–4 decision that the general benefits a community enjoyed from economic growth qualified such redevelopment plans as a permissible "public use" under the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.
There are so different ways of looking at the same issue depending on the context of time, location and envirnment.